Femicide in Egyptian society

Femicide in Egyptian society

Femicide in Egyptian society: Motives, Indicators, and Recommendations

By: Ghada Qandeel, Political Science PhD Researcher

In light of the increase in femicide cases in Egypt, the data shows the extent to which this phenomenon occurred, as approximately 51 cases were monitored during only the first quarter of 2023. However, crimes targeting women are still a phenomenon that doesn’t receive much attention. This ignorance is due to several cultural, social, and economic factors. Based on this, this paper discusses and analyzes the concept of femicide, which raises questions about what femicide is and how to analyze this phenomenon through studying its determinants. Moreover, it raises the question of how Egyptian law addresses this phenomenon. And what are the procedures and policies needed to confront it?


The United Nations defined femicide as the most extreme and brutal form of violence that women experience. The international community set a goal of eliminating this phenomenon that affects all countries with various cultural and social beliefs despite the difficulty of identifying and measuring femicide correctly. In this regard, femicide can be defined as intentionally killing women just because they are women, which men in their families usually commit. Additionally, femicide comes alongside other forms of gender-based violence such as intimate partner killing, sexual violence, killing women and girls in the name of “honour,” ​​targeting women and girls under armed conflicts, killings due to their sexual orientation and identity and lastly,, deaths related to genital mutilation. 

The term “femicide” dates back to the late 19th century when it was coined to raise awareness of the deaths of women due to violence. It referred to the killing of females by males because they are females. Then, the concept was updated in 1992 to include “the killing of women by men out of hatred, contempt, pleasure, or a sense of ownership, rooted in historically an unequal power relation between women and men.” Nonetheless, Egyptian society did not pay any attention to that concept despite the increasing number of victims of femicide day after day.


The murder of the Egyptian student, “Naira Ashraf”, last year by her colleague because she rejected him was considered the spark that shed light on the brutality of femicide in Egypt. Especially since the killer, as in the usual case, is either from the victim’s family or from her close acquaintances. However, similar cases usually make headlines briefly as society often treats such crimes as private matters. It is also important to highlight that only 24 hours after the killing of Nayra Ashraf, two more femicide cases committed by their brothers were reported, which were followed by another dozen cases from various parts of Egypt.

The previous justification comes along a more heinous one, which is killing in the name of honour, especially in some rural areas in Upper Egypt. Killing in the name of honour happens when women and girls are killed simply because their families are suspicious about their behaviour with the absence of conclusive evidence. Women are then subjected to killing, slaughtering, or coerced to commit suicide. Usually, the killer, in this case, is a close relative, and it is often tolerated due to cultural and social norms. This crime also occurs in girls who their family members have raped. To cover up for their crime, the perpetrator kills her after promoting her misbehaviour as a justification for killing her whilst claiming that he did so to preserve the honour and reputation of the family. 


Despite the severity of the subject, it is difficult to obtain accurate governmental statistics on the number of women killed in Egypt. Nonetheless, according to a study by Tadween Foundation for Gender Studies, during the first quarter of 2023, 51 cases were monitored. This study was based on what was published in Egyptian newspapers, which is much lower than the actual reality, as not all femicides are classified or published as gender-based crimes. In this study, women killed were between the ages of 21-30, while 11.8% were between the ages of 11-20. Giza recorded the highest rate of femicides during the first quarter of 2023, with a rate of 31.3%, Cairo at 12%, and Sohag at 8%.

The scary thing is that by comparing this percentage with what was monitored during the first quarter of 2022, we find that the number of female victims increased by 25 cases, totalling 142 cases during 2023. Their husbands killed 58% of these women and 41% of other family members. This highlights a serious increment in the rates of femicide in Egypt.

Efforts by the Egyptian state to confront the phenomenon

Looking at Egyptian law and its position on femicide, especially the Penal Code, we find out that it contains some loopholes representing a direct threat to the rates of female murder in society, especially honour killings. For example, in adultery—which is supposed to be a moral crime in which men, like women, are punished under the Sharia law—the law does not apply if a woman kills her husband under the influence of stress. She, however, is punished with the death penalty or, at the very least, extreme labour. On the other hand, women are punished for adultery wherever it was committed. Moreover, suppose she is killed in the act of adultery. In that case, the husband is punished with the slightest penalty, which may suspend the sentence (based on Article 17 of the Penal Code), allowing the judge to use compassion with the accused. This helps in the spread of honour killing.  

The proposed solutions to confront the phenomenon of femicide:

In Egypt, killing a woman by her partner is often the culmination of long-standing violent behaviour. Therefore, it can easily be prevented through intensifying the efforts of both local and international institutions to assist and protect women who are victims of this type of violence. Hence, women need a coherent series of measures to ensure their protection and the prevention of such crimes. These measures are as follows: 

1- Taking specific measures to enable women to leave or be confrontational in abusive relationships: These measures must consider that women are often financially dependent on their intimate partner. Thus, they risk being deprived of their only source of income if they end an unhealthy relationship. Support services for women to help them leave abusive relationships are essential in protecting them. Some of these services are provided by the National Council for Women’s Rights, including shelters, protection orders, counselling and legal aid. 

2- Involving men in combating domestic violence and femicide: It is essential to stand up against femicide by developing cultural norms that reject toxic masculinity and gender norms to address the underlying discriminatory social norms that legitimize male power and gender-based violence.

3-  Confining the violent environment that incubates femicide: The risk of women being subjected to gender-based violence increases due to cultural norms and traditions. This necessitates that the government work on implementing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, which includes specific provisions on femicide, which falls under the prevention and protection sections.

 4- Developing an international unified and sustainable method for monitoring casualty counts: Unified data on femicide is still incomplete and insufficient, which hinders the process of tracking trends or understanding the scale of the problem. This necessitates establishing a unified measurement of gender-based violence in Egypt through recording the gender characteristics of victims and perpetrators. Thus, it can be of added value to the collected data. This allows for a more comprehensive and in-depth analysis of femicide in Egypt as well as a comparable system for collecting data across countries.

The bottom line is that the real response to femicide depends on implementing efficient policies. Subsequently, these policies would depend on high-quality data based on a clear and globally agreed-upon definition, units of measurement and indicators to protect potential victims of gender-based violence. Thus, after offering a cohesive number of alternatives, this paper highlights the importance of acquiring comprehensive and accurate statistics on femicide cases in Egypt. This is vital since the presence of such data, both locally and internationally, and its accessibility to all citizens helps understand the scale of the problem. Furthermore, measuring gender-based violence is the first and most crucial step towards protecting victims of violence and preventing femicide in particular.


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  1. أحمد عقل، جرائم قتل النساء تتكرر في دول عربية: وحلول تصطدم بحواجز القانون والمجتمع، قناة الحرة، 1/7/2022، متاح على الرابط التالي: https://cutt.us/ovjQp
  2. توصيات باتخاذ إجراءات من أجل مكافحة جرائم قتل النساء والفتيات بدافع جنساني، مكتب الأمم المتحدة المعني بالمخدرات والجريمة، 2015، ص 1- 16، متاح على الرابط التالي:


Strategic Litigation Alert: Transgender Right to HealthStrategic Litigation Alert:

Strategic Litigation Alert: Transgender Right to HealthStrategic Litigation Alert:


 Strategic Litigation Alert: Transgender Right to Health

Cairo 52 Legal Research Institute lodged a strategic litigation petition with Alexandria’s Administrative Court on 17/07/2023 on the right to access health care for transgender individuals.

  • Summary of the Case:

The plaintiff is a transwoman who has demonstrated signs of gender dysphoria since childhood. In 2010, she started psychotherapy to find answers to her identity. She later received an official “gender identity disorder” diagnosis. She applied for official permission from the “sex correction committee” at the Medical Syndicate to undergo gender-affirming health care in 2014. Still, the committee has been negligible and has not examined her application. She has not received an official reply on her case to this day. Thus, we have lodged a petition against the Ministry of Health, the Medical Syndicate, and the Head of the Sex Correction Committee to demand that she is to be allowed access to gender-affirming health care urgently.

  • Summary of Arguments:

The plaintiff’s case is valid from an Islamic law perspective as she does not violate Islamic law. The Fiqh rule of necessities allows what is otherwise forbidden to be applicable here. The plaintiff has a medical condition constitutes a necessity, so her undergoing gender-affirming health care does not violate the Islamic ban on “unwarranted change of Allah’s creation,” as she has a medical condition that makes such change a necessity.

From civil law perspective, firstly, we argue that not granting the plaintiff’s approval constitutes a violation of the constitutional right to access health which is enshrined in Article 18 of the Egyptian constitution. Furthermore, denying medical services to our plaintiff constitutes another violation of international human rights treaties that Egypt is a treaty member of such in Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).

Secondly, transgender people’s only avenue to access health is through the sex correction committee, which has no clear criteria, mechanisms, bylaws, or regulations governing its work. The committee does not meet regularly, and its decisions are arbitrary and not legally binding, as it is a professional entity, not an executive one. Our plaintiff’s case is not unique, as the committee has systematically failed to provide timely decisions to transgender applicants, which causes a great deal of mental and emotional distress to transgender people who couldn’t access health care. Thus, not providing health care to transgender individuals violates the state’s constitutional obligations to provide health care to its citizens and violates the equality clauses in the constitution, as transgender people are systematically excluded from state health care services due to the committee’s lack of action.

Furthermore, the committee in its current form constitutes an illegality, as examining and providing health care to citizens should be within the executive branch’s authority represented in the Ministry of Health and not a professional entity such as the Medical Syndicate. The Ministry of Health has a legal obligation to correct this illegality by transferring the work and duties of the committee from the Medical Syndicate to the Ministry of Health. The Ministry of Health is obligated to establish a workable regulatory framework that would govern the committee’s work, allowing it to deliver decisions and health care to transgender people in a timely manner.

  • Requests:
  1. The appeal is accepted on the merits and the form/as a matter of form.
  1. Urgently issue a court order to allow our plaintiff to undergo gender-affirming health care.
  1. Correct the violations our plaintiff has suffered from by issuing a positive decision allowing her to continue her gender-affirming health care and access to legal gender recognition after finishing her surgeries.


For more information on the case, please contact legal.aid@cairo52.com

For media inquires, please contact media@cairo52.com

Suspended Citizens: Inside the Challenges with Accessing Legal Gender Recognition and Gender Affirming Health Care for Trans people in Egypt.

Suspended Citizens: Inside the Challenges with Accessing Legal Gender Recognition and Gender Affirming Health Care for Trans people in Egypt.

Suspended Citizens: Inside the Challenges with Accessing Legal Gender Recognition and Gender Affirming Health Care for Trans people in Egypt.

By Mariam Chahine 

The civil rights of people in modern civil states, such as the right to life, freedom, name recognition, nationality, and legal personality, are recognized in universal human rights treaties and guaranteed by the constitutions of most of the world’s nations. But these “obvious” human rights are not for all individuals. On the ground, many individuals struggle to obtain those rights/privileges, the real value of which is not felt by most individuals living their daily lives. Those cards and papers with shiny official seals allow humans to attend university, work, book a ticket, pass through police ambushes, open a bank account, or rent or buy a property. Those cards and papers that fold negligently and hastily into bags, jacket pockets, and drawers appear to some as Willy Wonka’s golden tickets to the chocolate factory! [1].. about trans people and their suffering with existence, recognition, and integration we are speaking.

Who Are Trans People?

The sex of an individual is usually determined by determining the genitals as soon as birth, and the individual is given their name and is therefore expected to play the social role accordingly. But some individuals’ lives don’t go that smoothly. Some people have “gender dysphoria,” feeling that their mental identity/social type is incompatible with their biological body. Trans people suffer from gender discomfort, which varies in severity from person to person. Some trans people may seek to undergo gender-affirming health care, including hormonal therapy and gender reassignment surgery, to reconcile their gender identity with their biological bodies. However, these steps usually entail many legal and procedural obstacles, not to mention social stigma, discrimination, and threats to trans people, whether by the State or by unofficial citizens.

Legal Status of Trans People in Egypt

From time to time, surgeries are heard of here and there to change sex. In 1988, the case of Sally, an Al-Azhar medical student who underwent gender reassignment surgery, received a great deal of media attention and ignited a social and religious discussion about transgender people. However, there is no law in Egyptian legislation regulating the rules and procedures for changing sex or even recognizing the existence of “trans people.” This legislative vacuum seems deliberate, as recognition of “trans people” will necessarily be followed by their claim to civil rights under the international human rights instruments ratified by the Egyptian State, in addition to the requirements of the Egyptian Constitution and all national legislation. But if the Egyptian State does not recognize trans people and there is no law governing the rules and procedures for gender reassignment operations and, after that, changing official papers, then who conducts such operations, and on what legal or official basis do those processes take place even if rare?

Sex Correction Committee

As of early 2003, there were no laws or administrative rules governing the procedures for gender reassignment surgeries, which means that if they were conducted, they were carried out per the instructions and directives of some officials in different government agencies whose decisions may vary according to their different views and cultural, religious and social backgrounds in those processes. However, in September 2003, the Minister of Health issued the Code of Ethics, which for the first time in the Egyptian State’s policies and laws, addressed the issue of gender-affirming health care for transgender people. Article 43 of the Code stipulates that a committee for sex correction shall be established, and “the procedure shall take place after a hormonal analysis, examination of the chromosome map, and after the period of accompanying psychiatric and hormonal treatment for at least two years.”

However, the category addressed by the Sex Correction Committee is, in fact, “intersex” people, individuals born with sex characteristics that don’t fit the binary two sexes, and not transgender people. The Committee would only allow people who have a “biological need,” i.e., intersex people, to undergo the process and not people who wish to undergo the process for “psychological reasons only,” i.e., trans people. However, the Committee occasionally allows trans people to submit their applications without prior promises of acceptance or deadlines for responding.

Medical Syndicate’s Code of Ethics explicitly stipulates a ban on gender-affirming health care for trans people, using the term “sex correction” to indicate the treatments allowed only for intersex people; this is to not clash with official religious institutions that recognize intersex people only and not transgender people. Dr. Ali Juma al-Mufti, a former State member, stated

“It is only in the case of intersex in which there is both a male and female body organ (for example, the reproductive organs). It is forbidden by sharia law the use of behavior or sexual preferences for the identification of (the mixed intersex person) except only in two cases: First: When unable to determine based on the physical signs mentioned, and second: If they have neither a male nor a female reproductive organ, aside from these cases, they may not be placed into either sex based on their inner preference or what can be expressed today by the gut feeling that their soul belongs to the opposite sex”. 

Thus, we can conclude the opinion of the religious authorities on the majority of the requests for “sex change” sent to it by the Sex Correction Committee according to the men of religion’s understanding of the problem of gender transition. While welcomingly approving intersex people – Khuntha in Islamic jurisprudential terms – it strictly rejects trans people with “gender dysphoria” without biological disorders.

Committee Formation

The Committee consists of two psychiatrists, a professor of genetics, a professor of andrology, and the chairman of the Committee from the Medical Syndicate. The Committee is subject to direct supervision by the Syndicate’s ethics committee. A non-medical member from Dar Alifta -one of Egypt’s religious authorities- is also on the Committee. 

Since the Committee’s establishment, there has been no official data on the number of applications submitted to it nor on the number of applications approved or rejected, and there are, in fact, no specific procedures requiring the Committee to approve or reject within a specified period. But in September 2021, Dr. Osama Abdel-Hay, Chairman of the Committee, said: 

“There are 14 cases referred to the Fatwa Committee in Al-Azhar for the fatwa opinion on each case, as well as 27 case files awaiting presentation to the Committee after the patients have completed their papers. In addition, since 2013, only one case has received medical approval from the Committee, and Al-Azhar’s fatwa opinion has been issued for sex correction surgery. Still, the Syndicate has not yet followed up on the approval if the case has already been performed.”

These applications were for trans people with a gender identity disorder, while earlier stating that from 2014 to 2017, the Committee had approved 87 “intersex” applications. That is, within eight years, only one application for “gender dysphoria” had been granted, while 87 applications for “intersex” had been approved in only three years.

Therefore, trans people may wait for an indefinite period of up to years without the Committee’s determination of their requests for gender reassignment surgery, whether by acceptance or rejection. During this period of suffering, societal persecution, psychological stress, and gender disturbance, trans people are forced to choose between two decisions: The first is to wait for the Committee’s decision to hold on to hope for several years, knowing that the decision may ultimately come with rejection, risking the loss of many years of their age in suffering and pain. The second is to start undergoing hormonal therapy without waiting for the Committee’s decision, which might make it difficult to formally complete the procedures for changing their papers.

What is questionable about the “Sex Correction Committee” is that there is no explanation for why there is a need for a representative of Dar Alifta in that specialized medical Committee or the need for sending the requests of trans people to Dar Alifta with the opinions of the Medical Committee attached… Is that a religious guardianship? And why is there no representative of the Egyptian Church for Christian trans people?

Although the regulation did not specify which religious agency intersected with the work of the Sex Correction Committee, the Medical Syndicate nevertheless preferred to add a member of Dar AlIfta or send the applications of trans people to it to avoid any potential clash or attack by religious institutions against the work of the Committee. The fact that Dar AlIfta is involved in the work of that Committee raises many questions about the guardianship of religious institutions over the work of a specialized scientific committee of the Medical Syndicate and on a medical matter to which the knowledge of the workers of the Dar Alifta don’t extend at all.

Problems with Surgeries in Egypt

The human need for healthcare and the availability and accessibility of medical services are inherent parts of basic human rights. Still, since the Egyptian State does not recognize the existence of trans people, it does not allow them to access gender-affirming health care. The Sex Correction Committee’s approval is required for such procedures. According to the Code of Ethics, doctors are prohibited from performing “Sex Change” operations. A doctor who carries out sex change operations without the Committee’s consent may be subjected to disciplinary matters, which may go as far as getting them removed from the Syndicate. Only “Sex Correction” operated is allowed after proving that the person undergoing it is intersex. 

These circumstances compel many trans people to resort to some doctors who perform such operations in secrecy, especially with requests often getting rejected or with their fate remaining forever suspended. These operations are usually carried out in private clinics, in underground locations, without the minimum necessary medical care, which can sometimes cause the death of trans people. One of the most prominent incidents is the death of the transman Ahmed Faris, known as Ezz, in Egypt in August 2021.

However, the problems of gender reassignment surgeries in Egypt are not only limited to the risk of death if they are carried out outside the formal framework, but trans people also suffer because of insufficient availability of doctors specializing in such surgeries in Egypt. The Chairman of the Sex Correction Committee stated that:

 “The committee does not have the exclusive number of doctors who can perform transgender processes, in addition to the fact that the theoretical study is too short and limited, as this type of operations requires very precise and advanced specializations, not in the general specializations that are taught in medical schools.”

This means that trans people are taking a risk with operations that may not be under minimum medical standards compared to the success of such operations in other countries.

Economic Cost of Gender Reassignment Operations

Trans people suffer not only from societal persecution and lack of State recognition of their identity but also from the economic aspect. Even assuming that they have succeeded in obtaining approval from the Sex Correction Committee, this does not mean that the State ensures that the procedure is performed or even that trans people are directed to certain doctors trusted by the Committee. Trans people must search for a doctor familiar with this operation while obtaining all official approvals. The average cost of this operation until 2021 was approximately thirty thousand Egyptian pounds, without including healthcare and necessary medicine. This amount has certainly now doubled, especially after the Egyptian pound inflated at the end of 2022 and the beginning of 2023. This is certainly a significant burden for middle-class or poor trans people. The State or NGOs do not seem interested in supporting the financial cost of such operations as they do in supporting other operations, believing that gender reassignment is part of cosmetic procedures. Gender discomfort for trans people is a nightmare that may sometimes cause someone to commit suicide due to psychological and social distress caused by delays in the procedure.

If trans people do not obtain the necessary formal approvals, primarily the approval of the Sex Correction Committee, the situation worsens. Trans persons are usually forced to obtain medical services from the backdoor and sometimes face fraud or are placed in the traps of dealers and middlemen, as well as to pay double the cost of official operations in governmental or private hospitals as the price for conducting the operation without official approvals. Unfortunately, these factors make the necessary gender-affirming health care for trans people only accessible to those who can afford them socially.

Problems with Changing Papers (Legal Gender Recognition) 

According to the ideal scenario, trans people must apply to their civil registry and await the reply of the Committee for the Change of Registration; article 46 of the Civil Status Law No. 143 of 1994 stipulates that the Committee for the Change of Registration shall be constituted to regulate the status of the person who has lost the registration or to correct the data, etc. However, it does not provide for sex marker change cases but remains the competent Committee to receive trans applications. 

If the application is approved, the procedure for changing the official papers shall be carried out. The work ethic of the government bureaucracy in the Committee for Change of Registration is not different from other committees. Depending on a person’s social and class status, the strength of connections, and influence, the time required to finalize official papers can vary. Sometimes the application’s fate can even depend on these factors, either by acceptance or rejection! Even though this is the nature of matters in the ordinary governmental processes, the Committee will rule on a fateful decision, such as changing the official papers of trans people and thus giving them the kiss of life to continue to “live life” as Egyptian citizens, which cannot be impaired by the social and economic forces, especially among the poor and middle-class trans people.

But this ideal scenario is rare. Trans people usually wait for the approval of the Sex Correction Committee for several years, and in desperation to wait for the Committee’s reply or refusal, some trans people begin hormonal therapy and then apply for a change of registration before the civil registry. However, the decisions of the Committee of Registration Change do not follow a unified public policy in all of Egypt’s governorates but rather change from one civil registry to another according to the socio-religious attitudes of its employees. Thus, if trans people are lucky, they can submit their applications in a civil registry that sympathizes with their cases. Otherwise, the fate of their applications is rejection.

In the case of rejection, trans people can only litigate before the administrative court to oblige the State to change the papers, but the problem with that step is that if the case is dismissed, the person has no right to sue for the same reason again. In other words, trans people have no guaranteed way to obtain legal gender recognition from the State, even after they undergo gender-affirming health care. Therefore, trans people are exposed to a situation that can be called civil death! Their papers don’t reflect their gender identity; it is no longer easy for them to deal with society, government processes them, and they are not getting new papers!

We can imagine the State of trans people in this pending situation and them being obliged to explain their status. At the same time, they need to obtain work, rent a residence, or need to hire a lawyer to complete certain legal proceedings, claim their right to inheritance, or even renew their IDs or passports. In the eyes of the Egyptian State, they are citizens suspended until further notice!


  [1] Form the novel “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory” 1964 by the English author Roald Dahl.


This World Cup, the Biggest Loser was LGBTQ+ People in the Middle East and North Africa

This World Cup, the Biggest Loser was LGBTQ+ People in the Middle East and North Africa

This World Cup, the Biggest Loser was LGBTQ+ People in the Middle East and North Africa

By Nora Noralla

In 2010, Qatar won its bid  to host the World Cup, and only recently did Western media and football teams show concern over LGBTQ+ rights during the World Cup. This sudden concern over LGBTQ+ rights did not steam from genuine care for the region’s LGBTQ+ people but only after Western LGBTQ+s fans expressed concern over attending the World Cup due to Qatar’s anti-LGBTQ+ laws. While Qatar does deserve a lot of criticism for its LGBTQ+ rights record, the West allowed it to deflect most of that criticism due to Western-centric clumsy coverage.

Western media and football teams had several options regarding LGBTQ+ rights in the World Cup; they could have used the World Cup to echo the voices of the region’s LGBTQ+ rights movement or shed light on the abuses LGBTQ+ people face. Instead, they have chosen the worse possible option, to focus on Western-centric performative actions that harmed the region’s LGBTQ+ people.

The Western-centric LGBTQ+ narrative during the World Cup have been primarily concerned with maintaining a moral image in front of the Western public. The performative Western-centric actions of the teams involved in this narrative indicates that the they were mainly concerned with finding a moral justification for playing in a World Cup rigged with human rights abuses.

Western-centric activism is criticized for being harmful, failing to understand local contexts, and treating human rights as a West-East export, not something that can generate locally. Thus, in recent decades, the global human rights movement has moved to decolonize human rights organizing by focusing more on supporting local rights groups that know best how to strategize according to their contexts.

However, it seems that Western media and football teams did not get that memo, as the discourse they followed reflects everything wrong with Western-centric activism. The West went into the World Cup with a white-savior complex, believing that only they could save the region’s LGBTQ+ people, ignoring the existence of a robust regional movement.

Perhaps, there is no better example of a white savior complex than what Peter Tatchell, a British LGBTQ+ activist, did just weeks before the beginning of the World Cup. Mr. Tatchell decided to perform a stunt while transiting through Doha’s international airport and staged a one-person “protest” against Qatar’s LGBTQ+ record. While Western media celebrated Mr. Tatchell’s supposed bravery, his actions were slammed by some of the region’s activists as nothing but Western-centric white savior activism. Mr. Tatchell knew that his Western privileges would shield him from any harm by Qatari authorities. Moreover, it was later revealed that Mr. Tatchell was in contact with LGBTQ+ people residing in Qatar, who requested that he wouldn’t do such a stunt for their safety.

Later, seven European teams got into a pity fight with FIFA over wearing the one-love armband during their games. The teams claimed this was their way of “showing support” to the region’s LGBTQ+ people. However, the moment FIFA threatened a yellow card; the teams backed off and decided not to wear the armband. The German team decided to do one final performative act when its players covered their mouths at the World Cup to protest FIFA limiting their freedom of speech.

Those familiar with the region’s LGBTQ+ rights know that all of those Western-centric acts are harmful to the region’s LGBTQ+ people, as it feeds into the belief that LGBTQ+ rights are part of a greater cultural war between the Middle East and the West. The Qatari discourse on the issue during the World Cup is the most common among authoritarian rulers and conservative actors. In recent years, those actors have been working to detach LGBTQ+ rights from human rights by framing it as a cultural and ideological issue. While human rights are not negotiable, culture is something to be respected.

Thus, LGBTQ+ people and activists of the region are framed as “Western inventions or agents” that aim to spread Western immorality in society. In 2022, several countries in the region, including Qatar, banned Western movies for their depiction of LGBTQ+ people and launched a campaign against “rainbow toys,” claiming that those toys are part of a Western conspiracy to corrupt children. Meanwhile, a major anti-LGBTQ+ social media campaign called “Fatrah” started in Egypt and quickly spread all over the region, gaining millions of supporters and claiming that there is a “Western agenda” to corrupt the youth.

What is interesting about this discourse is that it always claims that fundamental human rights for all are guaranteed, that this is not a hate speech or call of violence against LGBTQ+ people, but rather a call to preserve the Middle Eastern culture and social values from Western ideals. This discourse is also no different from the global anti-LGBTQ+ discourse, which often uses youth and children as a token to limit LGBTQ+ rights and spread hate speech against LGBTQ+ people.

Getting to the World Cup, the region anti-LGBTQ+ actors benefited the most from the clumsy and sometimes outright racist coverage of the event. Western media did not only fail to understand local contexts but also emphasized the West vs. East LGBTQ+ cultural war’s discourse. Anti-LGBTQ+ actors quickly co-opted the post-colonization ideals and terminology for their goal, claiming that Western media coverage is a form of neo-cultural colonization and Islamophobia and that the “white man” is trying to force the LGBTQ+ ideology on them. Moreover, the region’s anti-LGBTQ+ actors already knew that Middle Eastern societies were tired of the West preaching about human rights, especially after the racist coverage of Ukraine’s war. Some reporters couldn’t help but point out that people should care about this war because it involves civilized Europeans, not Syrians or Iraqis.

Thus, the Western-centric discourse during the World Cup seems to have harmed the region’s LGBTQ+ people more than anything else. Neighboring Kuwait and Iraq have already launched a nationwide anti-LGBTQ+ Campaign in response to what happened during the World Cup. More state-sponsored anti-LGBTQ+ campaigns will likely occur across the region after World Cup. When the attention is gone, it will be LGBTQ+ people left holding the bag, as one queer man living in Qatar told Reuters, “What happens when the World Cup is over? Does the focus on the rights stop?”

So, is it too late to actually help the region’s LGBTQ+ people? No, not yet. The West should start by dropping its white savior performative activism and acknowledging the existence of the capable regional LGBTQ+ movement. In the past decades, the region’s LGBTQ+ rights movement has developed to establish itself as a worthy opponent to the anti-LGBTQ+ rights actors in the region. This movement has successfully invented a contextualized module of activism that steams from the needs of the region’s LGBTQ+ people and not Western-centric activism.

This module celebrates the region’s queer history and people and focuses on normalizing queer identities within the greater society to combat the “Western invention” narratives. This module also requires the West to ally in their struggle for queer liberation; however, allyship is very different from what happened during the World Cup. Those who genuinely care about the region’s LGBTQ+ rights should spend more time listening and learning from the region’s LGBTQ+ people to know how to best support them. While Mr. Tatchell was busy doing his media stunt, Human Rights Watch published a report detailing the abuses LGBTQ+ people in Qatar face, using the World to draw attention on the issue. Those two examples show you the difference between an ally and a Western-centric white savior.

The West should also realize that it did not invent LGBTQ+ rights and has no monopoly over how they spread. On the contrary, the West did play a significant role in eliminating LGBTQ+ identities globally during the colonization era. Modern LGBTQ+ rights are not a stand-alone matter, as they stem from fundamental human rights such as rights to privacy, equality, and non-discrimination. Thus, it is essential when trying to promote LGBTQ+ outside Western contexts to intersect LGBTQ+ rights with other fundamental rights to gain more acceptance from society.

Finally, FIFA is expected to make $7.5bn in revenue from this World Cup. At the same time, the participant reward for any team played at this year’s World Cup is $9mil; It increases if the team advances to the knockout stages. Meanwhile, According to Global Philanthropy Project (GPP), a philanthropy group that works on monitoring global LGBTQ+ funding, the region’s LGBTQ+ movement was the least-funded region of the world regarding LGBTQ+ funding, with $8.7mil annually in 2020.

It is crucial to translate supportive words and symbols into concrete actions. Even if FIFA is less inclined to donate to human rights causes, individual teams should take the lead and do so. The seven teams involved in the one-love arm band controversy announced before that they were willing to pay fines for wearing the band. So, maybe instead of paying fines to FIFA, they should donate part of their winnings to support the region’s LGBTQ+ rights.

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